While legislators and academics try to weaken Canada’s intellectual property laws, the courts know better; recent judgements cleave to sound IP doctrine. My op-ed for the Financial Post is here.
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Intellectual Property and Innovation Law and Policy
Richard C. Owens
While legislators and academics try to weaken Canada’s intellectual property laws, the courts know better; recent judgements cleave to sound IP doctrine. My op-ed for the Financial Post is here.
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My Financial Post editorial on the proposed changes to the regulations governing the Patented Medicines Price Review Board is here.
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The federal government is planning ill-advised changes to the regulations governing the Patented Medicines Price Review Board. The intention is to make drugs in Canada more affordable. But we actually do not have high prices for drugs in Canada, relative to other jurisdictions, and prices have been kept under tight control for years. The actual effect of reducing drug prices will be to make life-saving therapies much harder to access, because they will not be introduced early into Canada. Moreover the proposed changes will make PMPRB procedure much slower and more complex. It is even possible that they will reset in higher prices. They will certainly worsen the environment for innovation in Canada. My paper with Wayne D Critchley on the topic has been published my Macdonald-Laurier Institute and can be found right here.
The Canadian Patent Office refuses to allow diagnostic method patents, even though they are legal. Why? My National Post op-ed is here.
For those interested in hearing me speak in Montreal recently on IP and its connection to trade in Canada, at an even sponsored by ACTION on Trade and Macdonald-Laurier Institute, you will find the performance here.
While Canada’s Federal and Supreme courts have long and distinguished traditions in IP jurisprudence, there have been a few hiccups this millennium. What is wonderful is how quickly the courts are fixing their mistakes. My essay for the Macdonald-Laurier Institute here.
At a congressional briefing in Washington DC on Tuesday, December 19 sponsored jointly by the Creatives Rights Caucus of Congress and ACTION on Trade, I addressed the question of how a revised NAFTA, particularly intellectual property (IP) and electronic commerce (EC) chapters, might encourage innovation. In those remarks I presented MLI research to the effect that strong IP laws improve trade. Nations that strengthen their IP laws are more likely to trade and are more likely to trade with one another. Another facet of this improved trade is foreign direct investment (FDI) and cross-border technology transfer, which correlate very strongly with strong IP rights in the recipient country. Canada greatly benefits from FDI. It is a powerful force in building national and international innovation networks and in increasing economic productivity.
Canada has relatively strong IP laws but has some way still to go, as evidenced by its continual place on the US Special Trade Representative’s Special 301 report, an annual list of IP malefactors maintained by the US government. As a consequence of its decline in relative strength in IP Canada has seen its rate of R&D investment decline for several years, alone among OECD countries. There is a strong correlation between strong IP and R&D investment.
Canada seems to worry that its trade deficit in IP protected goods means it needs weaker IP rights. But trade deficits reflect consumer preference, as much as sectoral strength. Moreover strong IP rights encourage more production which over a short period of time will overcome any losses from short term cash transfers by trade deficits caused by strengthening IP. Data are clear on these points. And indeed, Canada’s trade deficit in technology goods is modest, at around 20% of a robust trade, and according to Statistics Canada it runs a surplus in trade in Copyright goods and services combined. Strong IP rights are important to allow smaller firms to compete, and Canada’s is an economy of smaller firms. Strong IP rights are to our advantage—but our national insecurity mistrusts that the call for them originates with our strongest trading partner.
There are signs of hope. Canada recently did away with the promise doctrine, a peculiarly Canadian utility requirement for patents that invalidated numerous pharmaceutical patents and resulted in a NAFTA challenge by Eli Lilly. Fair dealing, the Canadian equivalent of fair use under copyright law, had grown far out of hand. A recent Federal Court case reined it in very effectively. And the Supreme Court of Canada protected IP rights by sustaining a worldwide injunction requiring Google to take down listings of infringing sites—an order the enforcement of which, unfortunately, has been delayed by a California court. On the Internet front, in spite of Canada’s weak notice and notice regime, Voltage pictures has been successful in requiring disclosure of the names of illegal downloaders by ISP’s. In fact the weak notice and notice regime encourages such costly and potentially punitive actions by rights holders, since notice and notice does nothing to protect their interests.
It is regrettably hard to figure Canada’s IP trade policies, although they seem to be tending towards a preference for weaker rights. Our participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was recently called into doubt when Canada rudely backed out of a signing ceremony at the last moment, ostensibly over the IP rules in the text, ones it had long ago agreed to. The TPP’s IP rules are good ones, good for Canada, and Canada should not cavil.
Discussion of IP in Canada is timely. The government of Canada in its recent budget announced its intention to create a new IP policy, and 2018 will be the review of Copyright Act under Standing Committee on Innovation, Science and Economic Development.
The patent office has set up a series of internal Examination Guidelines to prevent patents on diagnostic methods from issuing. The problem is, the guidelines are largely illegal–as is the exclusion of diagnostic methods. See my recent Financial Post op-ed.
Canada’s terrible performance at TPP negotiations reflects badly on its commitments to innovation and to free trade principles. My Financial Post op-ed is here.
On November 3 2017, I delivered some valedictory remarks on the invidious promise doctrine–the rule that construed additional promises of utility out of drug patents that were not meant to state them. It was done away with in the 2017 Supreme Court of Canada case, AstraZeneca v. Apotex. The text of my remarks follows.
The Promise Doctrine
Text of remarks to the Centre for Innovation Law and Policy Patent Colloquium November 3, 2017.
Richard C. Owens
First thanks to the CILP for the invitation and thanks to Justice Brown for organizing this panel– and it would be a serious omission to speak about the promise doctrine and not to acknowledge Professor Siebrasse’s excellent contributions to its study.
Mistakes, as they say, were made.